Showing posts with label Posts in English / ஆங்கில பதிப்புகள். Show all posts
Showing posts with label Posts in English / ஆங்கில பதிப்புகள். Show all posts

Thursday, 21 September 2017

Saving India's Rivers and Riverine Ecosystems


written by Jagdish Krishnaswamy December 10, 2015

Source: Frits Ahlefeldt
The Prime Minister in a speech some months ago very rightly remarked that “future generations will not forgive us for the manner in which we have treated our water”. It would be really nice if this concern was also extended to the plight of India’s last remaining free-flowing streams and rivers. The dominant paradigm is that rivers which flow freely all the way to their estuaries and deltas do not serve any purpose and one often hears politicians and bureaucrats stating that so much water is going “waste” into the Arabian Sea. The ecosystem functions, ecosystem services and livelihoods that rivers and streams provide to communities is rarely mentioned.
No one doubts that rivers may have be to tapped and hydrology modified for human use. Many of the gains in agriculture and hydropower generation in India are from dams, barrages and reservoirs. However it is now time to look at the costs of further large-scale transformations on the last remaining free-flowing stretches of rivers and streams and question our entire approach to water management in the country. The growing evidence from negative impacts of barrages and dams on downstream ecosystems, ecosystem services and livelihoods including impacts on productivity of estuaries and deltas should be carefully assessed by all stakeholders before planning any new transformations.
India is facing uncertainty and variability from changing climate and so is the competition and conflict over access to water among sectors and states.
All over India, from small headwater streams in forested mountains to large rivers, projects for hydropower generation, abstraction of water for industry, towns and cities, and even large-scale inter-basin water diversions are ongoing and planned. Add to that the polluted state of our major rivers, and we can imagine the magnitude of the problem.
Some of these projects will, by design, introduce an artificial diurnal cycle into stream flow with pulses of water released after the power generation cycle that is a multiple of any natural diurnal fluctuations. The small hydropower projects (SHP) which are categorised as “green energy” also often result in diversion of water through pipes and canals, leaving the original stream dry for up to one km or even a few km. The impacts on native aquatic biodiversity, riparian ecosystems and some local livelihoods can be substantial. And when several streams are tapped, the cumulative impact can be irreversible and can cause extinction of endemic species in the river basin.
The National Water Policy has mandated that ecological and environmental flows should be maintained in rivers, but we do not have rigorous scientific guidelines for assessing flow regimes for specific riverine ecosystems and ecosystem services.
India is facing uncertainty and variability from changing climate and so is the competition and conflict over access to water among sectors and states. The Indian monsoon has been declining since the 1950s, and extreme rain events are increasing in some parts of the country. The spatial and temporal uncertainty in the rainfall regime is best illustrated by what we saw in the country this year: drought in some parts, floods in others and areas with crop failure subsequently undergoing intense rain and floods. There is broad agreement that our rainfall regime is changing in complex ways. Furthermore the failure of climate models to simulate observed trends is worrying, casting doubt on their future projections.
These trends need to be considered when large-scale inter-basin transfers are being implemented or planned. These inter-basin transfers are based on the assumption that “surplus” water in some basins (in the wet season) can be diverted to other “deficient” basins. The role of peak monsoonal flows in sustaining downstream ecosystems and livelihoods, especially the fisheries in deltas, estuaries and shallow marine ecosystems, is ignored. These ecosystems depend on sediment, nutrient and freshwater flows to maintain the unique salinity and biogeochemistry regime that underpins their productivity.
The whole engineering-dominated discourse on “utilisation” of river waters vis-à-vis ecological and environmental functions and ecosystem benefits of free-flowing rivers from headwater to estuaries is being questioned.
In most cases, water scarcity problems have been addressed by supply augmentation either through creating additional seasonal storage or diversion from neighbouring basins.
In the context of the Western Ghats, numerous inter-basin transfer projects have been proposed by state and central governments including the National River Linking Project (NRLP) to divert ‘supposed’ surplus water from the west-flowing rivers to the scarce basins of east-flowing rivers to meet drinking water, irrigation and energy demands. However, the notion of ‘surplus’ and its estimation in a river basin is often based on limited data, flawed methodologies of environmental flow requirements, non-utilisable river flows and recurrent floods which discharge into the Arabian Sea. The whole engineering-dominated discourse on “utilisation” of river waters vis-à-vis ecological and environmental functions and ecosystem benefits of free-flowing rivers from headwater to estuaries is being questioned.
Many scholars now argue that the water surplus assessments conducted as part of NRLP have ignored a whole range of ecological, environmental and social issues. The methods used to estimate the environmental flow requirements (EFReq) and in stream utilisation (water demands) of stream flow to arrive at the surplus followed the guidelines proposed in the India Water Policy, 2002 and draft Revised India Water Policy, 2012. These methods applied for estimating EFReq are scientifically outdated and application of new methods for understanding environmental flow ‘regimes’ (EFReg) could classify these large storage and diversion projects either environmentally damaging or socially unjust/inequitable. Traditional methods of estimating EFReq used either historical or modelled minimum discharge in the river as essential flows for environmental benefits, and typically are some percentage of the total annual discharge or twice/thrice the minimum discharge (measured/modelled) in the stream in an average year. In India, the concept of impacts of river flow regimes on specific components of aquatic biodiversity and ecosystem services downstream is a very recent area of research enquiry and even the concepts and methods are largely hydrologically and statistically driven rather than comprehensive approaches encompassing taxa-specific biology, aquatic ecology, ecosystem services and livelihood dependencies.
We first found out from our independent measurements that the claim of the authorities that a discharge of 50 m3/s that was supposedly maintained in the Son downstream of the dam was not correct. It was a fraction of that!
The role of flow ‘regimes’ and ‘flow variability’ in maintaining ecologically and socially beneficial habitat is very recent. For example, tropical estuarine areas free from major developmental projects have been known for their extremely productive fisheries. All along the Indian west coast, the estuarine banks are densely populated with hamlets dependent on fisheries, including shellfish. There are hardly any rigorous studies to ascertain the importance of unaltered hydrologic regimes and economic returns from fisheries to in stream and downstream communities. Even rarer are studies which assess the negative impacts of altered flow regimes due to hydroelectric projects or diversions in any of the several rivers from the Western Ghats.
Freshwater, estuarine and deltaic ecosystems and their biodiversity and ecosystem services are the most threatened in India due to dams and upstream diversion for agriculture and industry, overexploitation of groundwater and pollution of surface water. In addition, growing urbanisation and the need to supply water to villages and towns is likely to place even greater demands on the limited supplies of unpolluted water that emerges from forested highlands and wetlands. The plan to interlink rivers is also raising concerns about impacts on biodiversity and ecosystem services, apart from its sustainability under the current climate and future climate change.
The National Water Policy has mandated that ecological and environmental flows should be maintained in rivers, but we do not have rigorous scientific guidelines for assessing flow regimes for specific riverine ecosystems and ecosystem services. We do not have a management and policy framework that imposes efficiency on competing water use in industry, cities and agriculture to enable allocation of water for maintaining ecological and environmental flows.
Ideally, multi-stakeholder and inter-disciplinary approaches are needed to estimate ecological and environmental flows in selected river ecosystems and design an adaptive management plan that reconciles ecological flows with other competing uses, and also privileges sustainable use of precious unpolluted water for drinking water, reduces water use in agriculture, promotes recycling and reuse by industry and in urban areas. Furthermore this assessment must take into account ongoing and projected future trends in climate.
Saga of the Son
There is legitimate concern about projects on the last remaining free-flowing streams and rivers, but what about the rivers that are already regulated and managed (the majority of rivers in most parts of India) in particular ways? Can we manage them to enhance biodiversity and ecosystem services?
To illustrate the challenges of maintaining ecological flows, I will cite our experience from the Son River, a tributary of the Ganga that originates from the highlands in central India. The Son River had river dolphins, gharial crocodilians, freshwater turtles, otters and a thriving fishery that sustained communities of fisher folk.

The Son was also prized for the quality of its sand. The first major change and barrier was the Indrapuri barrage in Bihar, completed in 1968, which reduced the Son to a trickle in the dry season downstream. Dolphins were probably the first casualty of this barrier and discontinuity of flow. However the Son upstream of this barrage was still a thriving riverine ecosystem. A 200 km stretch of the river and part of its two main tributaries, Banas and Gopad, was declared the Son Gharial Sanctuary in 1981. The Son Gharial Sanctuary is home to a number of endangered species, with the flagship species being the gharial (Gavialis gangeticus), narrow-headed softshell turtle (Chitra indica) and Indian skimmer (Rynchops albicollis). All three species are river specialists and their breeding ecology and reproductive success are closely linked to the seasonality of flow regimes and the availability of undisturbed nesting sites like large, high sand deposits and emergent sandbar habitats.
But in the last ten years, this 200 km riverine biodiversity hotspot was transformed. The Bansagar Dam (whose waters are to be shared between MP, UP and Bihar) was completed in 2006 after decades of planning and construction. As the gates were shut and the reservoir started filling, the stretch of the Son River downstream of Bansagar and upstream of Indrapuri was subject to major changes in flow regime and sediment dynamics. As the reservoir filled up, the river downstream was choked of dry season flows and sediment. Subsequently once the reservoir was filled up, a new regime of flows subject to releases of water from the dam for irrigation and for hydropower generation started. Sand mining of the exposed riverbed in the dry season proliferated and mining mafias defied state authorities. Successful gharial nesting was restricted to only one site along the entire stretch.
High quality water from ecosystems must be at a premium and industry must not be able to get it cheaply as has been the case all along.
Meanwhile, the water of tributaries downstream has been allocated for a series of thermal power plants, cement factories and townships, one of which has already tapped the Gopad tributary.
I was part of a small team consisting of myself, wildlife biologist Ravi Chellam, and dedicated aquatic ecologists Tarun Nair and Suyash Katdare, who had to advise the MP authorities on how much water to release from Bansagar Dam to maintain “ecological flows” in the Son Gharial Sanctuary. Bihar’s share of the Bansagar water flows through the Son Gharial Sanctuary. We first found out from our independent measurements that the claim of the authorities that a discharge of 50 m3/s that was supposedly maintained in the Son downstream of the dam was not correct. It was a fraction of that! We also discovered that the Gopad and Banas tributaries were now the lifeline of the Son in the dry season. 

Our basic idea was to try to relate quantitatively release of water from Bansagar Dam to maintenance of desired water levels at breeding and nesting sites of the endangered gharial. Using this, we would propose a reservoir release regime that would be least damaging.
However, as we worked with a very sincere forest officer and a dedicated team of ecologists on the ground, we experienced first-hand the complexities of maintaining ecological flows downstream of reservoirs.
On 20 February 2015, the Bansagar Dam authorities informed that they would release water from the Bansagar Dam for Bihar state at a discharge rate of 170 m3/s from 2pm. This raised water levels in the sanctuary by over 50 cm over a couple of days, an event that would usually not happen at this time of the year, inundating basking and nesting sites of the gharial.
We protested and requested them to reduce the rate of discharge, and finally it was reduced to 125 m3/s after four days. This release regime did connect isolated pools and gharials were able to move from one site to another along the river, and even excavated trial nests, but it was a short-lived connectivity, as the dam gates were shut on 9 March 2015, and no successful nest emerged in any new site. Such movements can also leave gharials stranded in less protected sites once the dam gates are shut and water levels recede.

On 6 April 2015, the dam authorities informed us of their plan to release water again due to demands from UP and Bihar. We requested him to defer any releases till we discuss the matter with the Forest Department, particularly since skimmer nesting had commenced on emergent sandbars and islands in the Son Gharial Sanctuary. Following Forest Department intervention, Bansagar Dam authorities provided assurances that no water would be released in this period. They furthered offered to make available, on demand, up to 3 m3/s of water for maintaining river flow in the sanctuary. However, the sudden opening of a smaller dam on the Gopad River tributary that caters to the thermal plant resulted in the drowning of the first clutch of skimmer nests and abandonment of nesting sites in the one of the important nesting sites in the fourth week of April 2015. While the increase in water levels was relatively small (< 15 cm), it led to the submergence of a large part of the emergent sandbar that was used as the skimmer nesting site, and the subsequent disruption of their first nesting effort.
Finally, on 8-9 June 2015, the Bansagar Dam authorities were ordered by their superiors to start releases and this raised water levels by 78 cm, and this release of water from Bansagar Dam resulted in the total loss of skimmer nests at four breeding sites. Even mounds created by the sanctuary management, as an emergency measure, a day earlier could not prevent the inundation of nesting sites. However the gharials fared better as the 2015 season produced 3 nests in the only breeding site, and 85-90 hatchlings emerged between late-May and early-June. But skimmers had a bad year, despite their attempts to nest for a second time in the same season.
This is just to illustrate the complexities of managing reservoirs for ecological flows all over India. In the future, we will have to think of innovative and creative ways of restoring sediment deposition to riverine ecosystems, which will be a big challenge.
Conclusion
Ecological and environmental flow regimes should become an integral part of any future project design, rather than an afterthought. Ultimately, ecological flows, water stress and conflicts over competing demands on scarce water resources can be resolved only by promoting recycling, reducing water use and wastage of water in all sectors: agriculture, industry and in cities and towns. Furthermore, high quality water from ecosystems must be at a premium and industry must not be able to get it cheaply as has been the case all along.
In conclusion, I would like to dedicate this piece to the memory of Professor Ramaswamy Iyer, former Union Secretary, Water Resources, Government of India, who passed away on 9 September 2015. He was the architect of the first National Water Policy and wrote on sustainable water management with insight and foresight. He belonged to the dwindling tribe of bureaucrat-scholars, and he will be missed by all of us who are concerned with saving India’s rivers and their ecosystems.



Source : 

Author : JAGDISH KRISHNASWAMY
[B Tech, '89, Civil Eng., H8] Jagdish Krishnaswamy has a B.Tech in Civil Engineering from Indian Institute of Technology, Mumbai and a MS and Ph.D from Duke University, North Carolina, U.S.A He is a Senior Fellow and Convener of the Centre for Biodiversity and Conservation, Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (ATREE), Bangalore and Affiliate faculty at the National Centre for Biological Sciences-TIFR, Bangalore.


Saturday, 8 June 2013

India’s Colourless Revolution: Replacement of Traditional Oils by Soy and Palm Oils

May 12, 2008 
Dr Rashmi Sharma, Dept. of Chemistry, S.D. Govt. College, Beawar, India


The interrelationships between agriculture, food, cooking and health are highly complex and profoundly significant. A characteristic of complex relationships is that a change in any one component will have effects on the viability and functioning of each of the others. In India, where native seeds such as mustard, groundnut, sesame (til) and coconut are traditionally cultivated for their oil, this linkage can be clearly seen. With a high oil content, these seeds are traditionally extracted by cold pressing, an activity suited to small scale production and which utilises non-hazardous low-impact technologies. The resulting oils are nutritious, and high in natural flavours. And since they are traditionally used and stored in their unrefined state, they are long-lasting (1-4).

A large proportion of the Indian population is vegetarian and therefore, since they are the main source of dietary fats, choices of edible vegetable oil are of great importance. In each region, distinct oils are used for cooking and food preparation. In south India coconut, in the east and north mustard, in Rajasthan sesame, and in central India and Gujarat groundnut oil is used. The specific choice of edible oil in the various regions is based upon traditional eating and cooking habits which in turn depend on local availability, local soils and India’s often arid climate. Thus there exists a virtuous circle in which agriculture, cuisine and health are mutually supportive.

Relatively recently, foreign oils – principally palm oil and soybean oil, but also sunflower and safflower, have been introduced into India. These oils, extracted with heat or solvents, are very high in polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFAs) and are unsuited to Indian cooking methods or for long term storage (2, 5). Sold only in a ‘pure’, i.e. highly refined, transparent and almost colourless form, and often fortified with vitamins, these oils are, in nutrition and health respects, inferior to traditional oils. However, because they are heavily advertised (often with spurious health claims), they are making inroads into the Indian market. And because of these changes, indigenous farmers are now receiving reduced prices for their mustard and sesame crops, production is now decreasing, and for many the virtuous circle has already been broken.

Traditional oils and health

For thousands of years we have been growing distinct oilseeds such as mustard, rapeseed, groundnut, sesame, niger seed and coconut. According to our ancient Ayurvedic system, sesame oil is the best for edible purposes, though mustard, groundnut and coconut oils are not only healthy but possess medicinal properties as well (1, 2). In the last few years our native edible oils have been supplanted by introduced foreign oils such as palm, soybean, sunflower and safflower. In-depth scientific studies of these oils supports traditional (Ayurvedic) understanding and indicate that these new oils are not only undesirable but are harmful for health, especially in Indian cuisine where they are mostly used for frying and for pickles (6-11). Thus it is generally accepted that oils with a higher percentage of polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFAs) such as soybean, sunflower and safflower lower both harmful LDL cholesterol and useful HDL cholesterol. On the other hand edible oils rich in monounsaturated fatty acids such as olive, mustard, groundnut, and sesame lower harmful LDL cholesterol level without affecting useful HDL cholesterol and hence are better for balancing cholesterol profiles.

Moreover, in oils prepared traditionally, additional cholesterol-reducing properties are likely to come from the natural plant sterols and stanols contained in oils extracted without heat or solvents (2, 14). Sesame contains 594mg/100g of soluble phytosterols while groundnut contains 247mg/100g and olive oil 210mg/100g. Soya and corn oils also contain phytosterols when raw (380mg/100g and 580mg/100g respectively), but since these latter need solvent or heat for extraction, the sterols are invariably lost in processing (14 ).

The traditional Indian oils are stable non-drying or semi-drying oils, i.e. they have a low tendency to oxidise in the light. In their natural form they contain antioxidants which prevent rancidity and reversion (development of ‘off’ odours). In contrast, soybean and safflower oil are drying oils while sunflower oil is a semi-drying oil. Due to a higher percentage of PUFAs these are prone to oxidation in the presence of light, temperature, air and metal. Since in India edible oils are mainly used for frying (in other words subjected to light, high temperature and contact with air and metal), such oils will be harmful.

In Western countries the susceptibility to deterioration of soybean and palm oils was in the past remedied by hydrogenation. More recently, with growing evidence of the harmfulness of trans-fatty acids, rancidity and reversion are increasingly being prevented by the addition of antioxidants (11). However, according to studies conducted on soybean oil by V.K. Tyagi and Pramod Kumar at Kanpur, deterioration of nutritional quality at high frying temperatures is rapid and added antioxidants are almost ineffective at retarding this deterioration (12, 13).

Bad science and big advertising

India has a population of over 1 billion people and the significance of the eating habits of such a population are hard to overestimate. Their culinary preferences are important not only for their own long-term health but also because these impact directly on farmers and the ecology of the planet. They can buy healthy and homegrown from cash-poor small farmers and small traders or they can buy their oils from international commodity traders.

Given the significance of this choice, it is important to appreciate that the recent Indian trend away from the indigenous oils is not simply an unfortunate outcome of consumer choices. The switch from native oils to (mainly) imported oils is an orchestrated one. Using scientifically unsupportable anti-cholesterol and other health claims, companies tied to the global commodity food system have driven demand for their products by advertising heavily to Indian consumers (15).
Because of the spurious nature of these health claims a ban (though unenforced) on such advertising has been imposed by the National Ministry of Health.

Nevertheless, there are other ways to promote using health claims. Vitamin fortification of oils, for example, is a play on the health card, while at the same time soy importers have been attempting to target the provision of scientific advice by influencing doctors and nutritional leaders. As the Indian magazine Businessline reported:

‘Besides, the brand [Nutrela] has also been involved with the American Soya Association, which is conducting seminars and holding soya awareness campaigns to focus on doctors, nutritionists, dieticians and consumers to spread the `goodness’ of soya. Schools and catering colleges have also been approached for the same.’

While these methods may be ethically unsound, there is evidence for still more unscrupulous methods. It seems that illegal but organised adulteration may also have been used to discredit local oils. In 1998, Delhi, India’s capital, was affected by large-scale adulteration of mustard oil that affected the health of thousands and killed many. In several ways this was an unusual contamination event (15).

Firstly, adulteration of food in India is common but typical cases are restricted to particular brands and remote and marginalised regions and so go unnoticed by the media. The mustard oil tragedy however affected nearly all brands and, guaranteeing media attention, India’s capital was the worst affected region. Secondly, mustard oil contaminated with argimone (essentially weed seed contamination) is an ancient occurrence, but adulteration is never more than 1%. In these cases, adulteration was up to 30%, with argimone, diesel and waste oil as contaminants. The adulteration was therefore done in such a way that it would kill, and do so conspiciously and rapidly. Thus the tragedy was seemingly not a result of the normal business of adulteration. As the Health Minister stated, this is not possible without an organised conspiracy.

Following this adulteration incident an official and immediate ban (which still remains) on the sale of unpackaged edible oil was imposed. Under pressure from multinationals the government has also made it compulsory to add soya oil to both groundnut and mustard oils and lifted restrictions on the import of raw materials for vegetable oil production.

The uptake of western cultural and other habits, and the economic development associated with it, is frequently viewed as an unambiguous and natural advance – most typically a government-inspired victory for knowledge over ignorance and incompetence. More recently however, another, more ambivalent view of development has become prevalent, one which sees local cultures not so much as knowledge vacuums to be filled, but as highly adapted and coherent systems that enabled societies to live within their environmental means. These divergent views are epitomised most vividly perhaps by the struggle to interpret the legacy of Asia’s green revolution.

Developments in the Indian food market however suggest that the colourless oil revolution embodies a distinctive and even less inspiring third model: an alliance between multinational market power and pseudo-science to engineer the displacement of traditional products and practices.

 From The Hindu Business Line Online Website
References
1) Charak Sanhita Part I (1975) Jaynendra Press New Delhi 27: 249
Note: “Charak Sanhita” is an ancient Literature available on health in the Sanskrit language. It is translated by various authors and easily available in India
2) Meyer, L.H. (1960) Food Chemistry. Litton Educational Publishing, Inc. USA .
3) Sharma, R., Khan, S. (2007) Health Aspects Of Traditionally Processed Indigenous Edible Oils. Recent Progress in Medicinal Plants, Natural Products-II 18: 430
4) Sharma, R., R. Bhutra, S. Acharya and M.R.K. Sherwani (2007) Comparative Analysis Of Four Edible Oils For Stability Against Longer Storage And Heat Deterioration During Frying. J. Lipid Sci. and Technology 39: 3
5) Hildich, T.P. and P.N. William (1964) Chemical Constitution of Natural Fats 4th edn. Chapman & Hall, London.
6) Tewfilk, I.H., H.M. Ismail, S. Sumar (1998) The Effect Of Intermittent Heating On Some Chemical Parameters Of Refined Oils Used In Egypt. A Public Health Nutrition Concern. Int. J. Food Sci. Nutr. 49: 339
7) Goburdun, D. and B. Jhuree (1995) Effect Of Deep Fat Frying On Fat Oxidation In Soyabean Oil. Int. J. Food Sci. Nutr. 46: 363
 Esterbauer H. (1993) Cytotoxicity And Genotoxicity Of Lipid-Oxidation Products. Am. J. of Clinical Nutrition 57: 7795
9) Woodside, J.V. and I.S. Young (2001) Dietary antioxidants and protection from coronary heart diseases. In Nutritional Health: Strategies for disease prevention. Eds: Wilson, T. and Temple, N. I. Humana Press, Totowa, U.S.A.
10) Byers, T. (1997) Hardened Fats, Hardened Arteries ? New England Journal of Medicine 337: 1543-1545
11) Ascherio, A., Katan, M.B. and Stampfer, M.J. (1999) Trans Fatty Acids and Coronary Heart Diseases New England Journal of Medicine 340: 1994-98
12) Tyagi, V.K. and Pramod Kumar (1995) Formation Of Polymeric Fractions In Frying Fats J. Oil Technologist’s Association of India 26: 363
13) Tyagi, V.K. and Vashishtha, A.K. (1994) Effect of Deep Fat Frying On the Characteristics and Composition Of Soyabean Oil J. Oil Technologist’s Association of India 26: 111
14) Law, M. (2000) Plant sterol and stanol margarines and health BMJ. 320: 861-864.
15) Shiva, V. (2000) Stolen Harvest: The Hijacking of the Global Food Supply. South End Press, Cambridge, MA


Source : http://independentsciencenews.org/health/indias-colourless-revolution-replacement-of-traditional-oils-by-soy-and-palm-oils/ 

Sunday, 14 April 2013

Drought in Maharashtra: The real story



The fact that the state's most drought-prone regions have continued to devote precious resources for highly water-intensive sugarcane cultivation and sugar production indicates that there is more to the region's water crisis than climatic conditions alone. Parineeta Dandekar analyses. 


14 March 2013 - This year seems to be a year of basalt-hard lessons for Maharashtra. The year saw the irrigation scam, sugarcane farmers protesting for a fair price (leading to the death of two farmers) and now a ‘drought worse than 1972’ with 11,801 villages declared to be drought affected in March 2013.


If we analyse these three events in perspective, their link becomes inextricably clear. This year’s drought, though devastating, was not an unannounced calamity. It had been building up since August 2012, when more than 400 villages were declared drought-affected. The protest by sugarcane farmers was not a sudden outburst either; their discontent over fair price for sugarcane had been simmering and occasionally boiling over for the past few years. Last but not the least, the irrigation scam, though unprecedented in scale, was not a sudden revelation. Many NGOs, whistle blowers and government committees had been warning about the tip of the iceberg for several years.

Many experts, organisations and reports like World Bank have highlighted the unjustifiably high share of sugarcane in Maharashtra's irrigation

That all these factors came together in one year is not just an unfortunate coincidence. It shows that the reasons behind the Maharashtra drought are starker than simply less rainfall. Unless these root causes are addressed, no amount of state and central assistance can banish droughts. Farmers and rural and urban poor have been suffering for too long due to the opportunistic and myopic response of the political and administrative leadership in Maharashtra to successive droughts. To understand and change this, we need to first take a long, deep look at some of the reasons sparking the water shortage:

Worst drought-affected districts have the most sugar factories
Sugarcane is one of the most water-intensive crops grown in Maharashtra, requiring ten times more water than Jowar or nut. Ironically, the regions where it is grown the most are chronically drought hit regions, which have been receiving central aid for drought proofing though the Drought Proof Area Program and other such schemes. Sugarcane area under drip irrigation in these regions is dismally low.

According to the Water Resources Department, Maharashtra, in 2009-10, of the approximate 25 lakh hectares (Ha) of irrigated area in Maharashtra, 3,97,000 Ha was under sugarcane. However, according to the Union Agricultural Ministry (which would get its data from the State Agricultural Department), area under sugarcane was 9,70,000 hectares in 2010-11 and again 10,02, 000 hectares in 2011-12.

When it was grown on 16% Irrigated area, sugarcane used 76% of all water for Irrigation. With area under sugarcane increasing, its hegemony has increased exponentially.  Not only does it capture maximum water, it results in water logging, salinity and severe water pollution by sugar factories. Incidentally, Maharashtra has 209 sugar factories, the highest in any state in India.

A strong example of links between drought and sugarcane may be found in the Solapur District in the Bhima Basin, which is facing the worst of droughts today. Live storage of Ujani Dam is zero and drinking water is being taken from dead storage, even as Solapur and 400 villages depend on Ujani for drinking water. Drinking water supply has become a severe problem. Hundreds of villages and blocks have been declared drought affected. Nearly 1000 tankers have been plying, and there is a near exodus of stricken communities to urban areas.
When it was grown on 16% Irrigated area, sugarcane used 76% of all water for Irrigation. With area under sugarcane increasing, its hegemony has increased exponentially. Not only does it capture maximum water, it results in water logging, salinity and severe water pollution by sugar factories. Incidentally, Maharashtra has 209 sugar factories, the highest in any state in India.
Solapur also includes the Union Agriculture Minister’s parliamentary constituency Madha. This chronically drought-prone district, with average annual rainfall of 550 mm, is the largest sugarcane producer in Maharashtra with the densest concentration of sugar factories and area under sugarcane (see pie chart above). That such water intensive cropping pattern in an arid region should flourish in Union Minister of Agriculture Sharad Pawar’s constituency speaks volumes about the political backing for sugarcane and the attitude of the Ministry.


During a meeting at the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF), officials from the Water Resource Department (WRD) claimed that of the 87 TMC (Thousand million cubic feet) live storage of Ujani, 50-60 TMC is flow irrigation to sugarcane in command, accounting for more than 60% of its live storage. The authorised use, however, is only 32 TMC! In addition, there are several sugar factories in the upstream of the Ujani dam, taking water through unauthorised lifts from the backwaters. So, actual water going to sugarcane from Ujani is estimated to be close to 80% or more. This is causing severe water scarcity in the downstream regions, creating severe drinking water crisis.

All of this diversion apparently happens with political support. Of the 30 cabinet ministers in Maharashtra, 13 ministers either own sugar factories, or a substantial share in these. The White Paper on Irrigation Projects proudly boasts that the Ujani Project irrigates 92000 hectares of Sugarcane.

Apart from Ujani, Pune region (Districts Satara, Solapur and Pune), Ahmednagar Region, Aurangabad region and Nanded region, - all of them drought-prone areas - also have a dense concentration of sugar factories, aided by irrigated sugarcane fields in the vicinity.

Sugarcane is increasing in area in drought affected Krishna and Godavari Basins too, commanding maximum share of the irrigation water. This is borne out by the table below, all figures taken from the Maharashtra Irrigation Status report 2009-10 (the latest one available).

Area under main crops in thousand hectares
(canals, groundwater and rivers) ISR 2009-10
Region
Jowar
Wheat
Ground nut
Harbhara
Rice
Oilseed
Sugar-cane
Cotton
Fruits
Pune
221.43
191.85
38.68
52.85
96.96
61.58
315.97
5.77
13.80
Aurangabad
29.38
33.33
5.07
12.68
0.08
2.30
43.30
27.83
5.48

Sugarcane: Lifeline of the political economy of Maharashtra

A Memorandum for Drought Relief sent to the centre from Maharashtra in 2003-04 said that Sugarcane is the “Lifeline of the agro economy of Maharashtra”. However, more than a lifeline of the agro-economy, it appears to be so for the political economy of Maharashtra. Hugely entrenched in sugar politics, the political economy is unable to take any brave and sustainable decisions when it comes to cultivating sugarcane. As experts have pointed out in the past, entire water management of Maharashtra revolves around sugarcane.

The Ujani Dam, sanctioned in 1964 for 40 Crores is still not complete, while the expenses have been pegged at nearly 2000 Crores. Even as the main canal work is incomplete, more and more lift irrigation schemes, link canals, underground tunnels are being planned on this dam, for sugarcane. Incomplete projects, with bad distribution network, which has been the hallmark of the irrigation scam, has aided sugarcane cultivation the most and has resulted in concentration of water in small ‘pockets of prosperity’ amidst drought affected zones and thirsty tail-enders.

Osmanabad collector K.M. Nagzode had written to the state sugar commissioner on 29 November 2012 that Osmanabad “had received only 50% of average rainfall, and water levels in dams are extremely low while ground water hasn’t been replenished and that since a sugar factory typically uses at least one lakh litres of water a day, it would be advisable to suspend crushing and divert the harvest to neighbouring districts”. However, no such orders were given and cane crushing went on. Osmanabad district contributes significantly to sugar production of Maharashtra, with over 25100 hectares of sugarcane, which is the only crop that gets irrigation in this district.

District Collectors have the right to reserve water for drinking in any major, medium and minor projects, when they see the need. However, even when Ujani was reaching zero live storage, such decision was not taken by the Solapur Collector.

Everybody loves a good drought

A Memorandum for drought relief sent by the Maharashtra government to the Centre does not seem to be in the public domain, but the state is reportedly seeking Rs 2500 crore for drought relief. The Memorandum for drought relief, 2003-04 shows that during every drought, we indulge in the same fire- fighting measures of resorting to the Employment Guarantee Scheme, tanker water supply, cattle camps and well-control. Once the drought passes, sugarcane is pushed again.

Currently 3 million farmers and significant number of labourers are involved in sugarcane farming, it is claimed. In reality, even if a million hectares were to be under sugarcane, how can 3 million farmers be involved in sugarcane farming when the average farm size in Maharashtra is 1.45 hectares?

We have neither been able to solve the minimum price for sugarcane lock till now. Farmers have been demanding Rs 4500 per tonne of sugarcane from sugar industries, which have agreed to only Rs 2300/ tonne. In Vidarbha, the situation is even worse with prices at Rs 1500/ tonne. The government has made it clear that it will not interfere in the issue. Many sugar industries did not even pay last year’s dues to farmers. Globally and in Indian markets, sugar prices are going down. Last November, during farmers’ protests for minimum price for sugarcane, two farmers lost their lives. This protest was the strongest in the drought hit region around Ujani Dam.

Instead of hiding behind claims of three million sugarcane farmers, politicians need to ensure that these farmers do not have to suffer the same fate time and again. With climate change, droughts have become a more frequent reality. The only way to tackle and manage droughts is to improve the resilience of the agro-economic system and water management systems in coping with droughts. Encouraging and pushing for sugarcane in chronically drought-affected areas is a poor adaptation measure and only pushes farmers deeper into the vicious cycle of uncertainty, crop failures, and hardships.
Drip Irrigation: A Band-aid solution?
The Maharashtra state government is planning to make it mandatory for sugarcane growers to use drip irrigation systems over the next three years, a move prompted by the drought. “Hence a regulation will make a big difference in the water utilization pattern in the agro-sector,” chief minister, Prithviraj Chavan said in an interview.

Measures like drip Irrigation, sprinkler irrigation, etc, though critical, are incapable of arresting the proliferation of sugarcane, a fundamentally inappropriate crop in drought prone areas. Moreover, despite the relative abundance of sugarcane and heavy subsidies for drip, sugarcane belts have stuck to flood irrigation and have not adopted drip the way Nashik region has for grapes. Of the one million hectares under sugarcane, barely 10% is under drip. Even the Union Agriculture Minister’s constituency has not shown any notable success on this front.

As sugarcane is claiming almost all of irrigation and also domestic water from dams in the drought-affected zones, villagers in Marathwada and Western Maharashtra do not have drinking water; students are missing their exams to attend to cattle at cattle shelters and hospitals have to postpone surgeries for want of water. If at all Maharashtra wants to liberate itself from the shackle of regular droughts, one of the things it must first do is break free from sugarcane, and politicians who push the mirage of sugarcane in the absence of any sustainable efforts towards improving farm livelihoods.

This drought would not have been so severe if Maharashtra had broken the shackles of sugar earlier.


14 March 2013

Parineeta Dandekar is with the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People.

References and Links
1.     Bharat Patankar, Asserting the Rights of the Toiling Peasantry for Water Use, IWRM in India
2.     Irrigation Status Report 2009-10, Maharashtra Water Resources Department
3.     64th Meeting of the Expert Appraisal committee on River Valley and Hydropower projects: TOR for Shirapur Lift Irrigation Scheme
4.     Revised Memorandum to the Government of India on Drought Relief and Mitigation in Maharashtra (2003-04)
5.     Agriculture Statistics at a Glance 2012, Ministry of Agriculturehttp://eands.dacnet.nic.in/Publication12-12-2012/Agriculture_at_a_Glance 2012/Pages85-136.pdf